问题描述：
英译中.New Media and the Information Society
This is not so much a question of ‘dumbing down’, more the
informational logic of a new society.
For example, the Zapatistas in Mexico (who Castells describes as the first
informational guerrilla movement) made skilful use of image manipulation (video,
Internet, etc.) to convert a small local struggle for dignity, democracy and land
into a movement that has caught the attention of international public opinion.
Indeed the Zapatistas’ media connections made it impossible for the Mexican
government to use the state apparatus to forcibly repress their movement. This
brings out one of the distinctive features of the network society; while the
concentration of power and wealth is increasingly distinct from local contexts our
collective forms of meaning are more readily to hand. The task of any oppositional
movement must be to connect local experiences to a more global agenda, and
absolutely crucial in this process is the media of mass communication, given its
capacity to shift information through time and space.
Castells argues that new media technology can contribute to the building of
networks amongst new social movements. This picture is further complicated
elsewhere in discussing who actually uses the Net. Here Castells asserts that new
media technologies reinforce existing social structures rather than transforming
them. For instance, because access to the Net is dependent upon economic and
educational factors it is likely to reinforce the cosmopolitan orientation of social
elites, rather than destroying social hierarchies in the way that some commentators had been expecting. New media technologies therefore simultaneously reinforce
relations of cultural capital, hierarchy and distinction while enabling social movements
to publicise campaigns and connect with distant publics. This creates a fundamental
division between social elites, who inhabit the culture of hyper-modernity,
and a neo-Luddite tendency amongst the dispossessed where globalisation means
job insecurity, crime and poverty. For Castells neither technological enthusiasm
nor its opposite is likely to lead to new waves of social and economic development
which reverse processes of exclusion.
Castells’s concern for the cultural conditions of the public sphere in the
informational age offers a more substantive agenda than questions simply linked
to the granting of additional rights, describing the dominatory effects of capital upon
culture and the tracing through of the ‘effects’ of technological change. Castells
breaks with the view that we can coherently view the development of new media
cultures in any straightforward way through the axis of domination or emancipation.
Instead Castells’s complex reading of modern informational cultures points towards
a more nuanced position that views the evolution of media cultures and technologies
in a structured field, capable of being transformed by political agency
有追加
This is not so much a question of ‘dumbing down’, more the
informational logic of a new society.
For example, the Zapatistas in Mexico (who Castells describes as the first
informational guerrilla movement) made skilful use of image manipulation (video,
Internet, etc.) to convert a small local struggle for dignity, democracy and land
into a movement that has caught the attention of international public opinion.
Indeed the Zapatistas’ media connections made it impossible for the Mexican
government to use the state apparatus to forcibly repress their movement. This
brings out one of the distinctive features of the network society; while the
concentration of power and wealth is increasingly distinct from local contexts our
collective forms of meaning are more readily to hand. The task of any oppositional
movement must be to connect local experiences to a more global agenda, and
absolutely crucial in this process is the media of mass communication, given its
capacity to shift information through time and space.
Castells argues that new media technology can contribute to the building of
networks amongst new social movements. This picture is further complicated
elsewhere in discussing who actually uses the Net. Here Castells asserts that new
media technologies reinforce existing social structures rather than transforming
them. For instance, because access to the Net is dependent upon economic and
educational factors it is likely to reinforce the cosmopolitan orientation of social
elites, rather than destroying social hierarchies in the way that some commentators had been expecting. New media technologies therefore simultaneously reinforce
relations of cultural capital, hierarchy and distinction while enabling social movements
to publicise campaigns and connect with distant publics. This creates a fundamental
division between social elites, who inhabit the culture of hyper-modernity,
and a neo-Luddite tendency amongst the dispossessed where globalisation means
job insecurity, crime and poverty. For Castells neither technological enthusiasm
nor its opposite is likely to lead to new waves of social and economic development
which reverse processes of exclusion.
Castells’s concern for the cultural conditions of the public sphere in the
informational age offers a more substantive agenda than questions simply linked
to the granting of additional rights, describing the dominatory effects of capital upon
culture and the tracing through of the ‘effects’ of technological change. Castells
breaks with the view that we can coherently view the development of new media
cultures in any straightforward way through the axis of domination or emancipation.
Instead Castells’s complex reading of modern informational cultures points towards
a more nuanced position that views the evolution of media cultures and technologies
in a structured field, capable of being transformed by political agency
有追加
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